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Ian M. Randall


In 1895 H. W. Webb-Peploe, a forceful Anglican clergyman who was one of the founders of the British Keswick Convention, reaffirmed Keswick’s distinctive doctrine of sanctification. The power of the Holy Spirit could counteract sin, he taught, but not eradicate it in the lives of believers. Reader Harris (1847–1909) was outraged by Webb-Peploe’s statement and wrote in Tongues of Fire, the magazine of the Pentecostal League of Prayer (the organization he had founded in 1891), that he would give £100 to anyone who could prove from Scripture that sin must of necessity remain in the believer. The British Christian press was delighted at such a dramatic news item and publicized Harris’ offer, together with responses from various evangelical figures, which ranged from the measured to the outraged. They were featured, for example, in The British Weekly, The Methodist Times, and The Christian World.[1]

The strand of Wesleyan thinking represented by Harris was present within mainstream denominational Methodism. Its most prominent British exponent in the early twentieth century was Samuel Chadwick, Principal of Cliff College, the Methodist lay training center in the Derbyshire Peak District of England.[2] Cliff College represented what has often been seen as the poor relation of official Methodist orthodoxy.[3] Movements associated with Cliff or the League of Prayer were determined to revive what they saw as traditional Wesleyan spirituality. Thus, Chadwick urged on his students in 1920 the “Pentecostal gift of power” and portrayed in his Joyful News a grandiose vision of “living testimony, impassioned enthusiasm, and intense spirituality,” which would “spread Scriptural Holiness throughout the land, evangelise the world, and reform the nation.”[4] John Wesley was often said to have believed that entire sanctification or Christian perfection was Methodism’s “grand depositum,”[5] but the use of “Pentecostal” language by Harris and Chadwick signified an association of entire sanctification with Spirit-baptism not found in Wesley.[6] It was in the nineteenth century, in North America and Britain, that such pneumatological terminology became common holiness currency.[7]

The enhanced pneumatology of later nineteenth-century revivalism produced both Keswick and the traditionalist Methodist Southport Convention.[8] In the same period other lesser-known holiness movements began to take shape in Britain, each with its own distinctive emphasis, often evangelistic in nature. Of these, the League of Prayer was unusual in attempting to create a transdenominational locus for Wesleyan-Holiness revivalism. This article will concentrate on the significance of the League in the period to the 1930s. It will argue for the League’s creativity as evidenced by its vision for Wesleyan spirituality’s influence across the evangelical spectrum, its attempt to transcend class, gender, and clerical/lay divisions, its contribution to the fostering of leadership in British evangelicalism, and its combination of practical holiness and theological reflection on Wesleyan-Holiness issues.


An Interdenominational Vision


The Pentecostal League of Prayer was founded in 1891 as an interdenominational organization explicitly dedicated to praying for the filling of the Holy Spirit for all believers, for revival in the churches, and for the spread of Scriptural holiness.[9] Reader Harris, after a distinguished career as a construction engineer in Bolivia, entered the legal profession, becoming a Queen’s Counsel in 1894. By then, however, his deepest passion was for spiritual revival. From 1889, when he and his wife Mary claimed entire sanctification through the influence of two North Americans, F. D. Sandford and G. D. Watson, he had a vision for spreading his new convictions. By the end of the century the emphases of Harris and the League were promoted by almost 150 networked local prayer groups throughout Britain with a total of 17,000 members.[10] When Harris died in 1909 leadership passed to his wife, although considerable support was also offered to the League by a penetrating exponent of evangelical spirituality, Oswald Chambers (1874-1917), made most famous through his widely-used book of daily readings, My Utmost for His Highest.[11]

Reader Harris had experienced an evangelical conversion when in his thirties, partly through an evangelical Anglican church in Clapham, and he became and remained an Anglican. Strongly undenominational missionary instincts, however, led him to acquire (for £3,100, with funds from his own considerable wealth and from money raised by the sale of his wife’s jewellery) and then to manage Speke Hall in Battersea, London, as an evangelistic center. From 1887, Harris drew up to 1,400 people each Sunday evening to outreach services and in 1890 he decided to name the Hall a “Pentecostal Mission.” Church of England custom had relatively little influence on Harris. The Lord’s Supper was regularly celebrated at Speke Hall without ordained presidency. From the 1890s groups affiliated with the growing number of League of Prayer centers were meeting in Methodist, Baptist, Congregational, and Anglican churches.[12] Chambers, who made a significant contribution to the League from 1901 to 1917, was a Baptist. The League’s perspective was that ecclesiastical distinctions were relatively unimportant: all denominations required the renewal which Wesleyan experience offered.

In 1907 the League’s transdenominational philosophy was challenged when it suffered a serious schism. A prominent convert and then associate of Reader Harris, David Thomas, a prosperous draper, seceded with four other leaders to form what became the International Holiness Mission. In his magazine, Tongues of Fire, Harris vigorously opposed the new group, hoping it would gain negligible support from League members, but Thomas was equally vociferous in propagating the view that operating within most existing churches was unrealistic since they were “hopeless as a body.”[13] The official policy set out by Thomas was to avoid starting a local Mission center in competition with any cause “preaching Scriptural Holiness.” There were, nevertheless, accusations of the Mission encouraging church members to leave churches, and certainly emerging Mission leaders such as W. J. Willis, a Baptist minister, and E. A. J. Bolt, an Anglican curate, had seceded from their denominations—in Bolt’s case after having alienated his bishop.[14] Thomas himself launched virulent attacks on the whole professing Church, describing it in 1924 as “crippled and crushed.” Pleasure seekers in the churches, he announced baldly, were going to the devil.[15]

In addition to the set-back caused to the League by this division, its inclusivist ecclesiastical policy was put under severe strain by the emerging British Pentecostal movement, which portrayed itself as the true heir of older revivalism.[16] In Britain, the main center in the early Pentecostal period was All Saints Church, Monkwearmouth, near Sunderland, where the Vicar, Alexander Boddy, and his wife Mary led conventions designed to provide energy for renewal in the denominations. Boddy had been the secretary of the League of Prayer’s center in Monkwearmouth, as well as being a Keswick supporter, but he was to find himself isolated from his former associates, especially after his efforts to circulate a pamphlet, Pentecost for England.[17] In 1907 Reader Harris was in Sunderland for a League Convention at the same time as T. B. Barratt, a Methodist who became a prominent Pentecostal advocate, was addressing meetings which Boddy had arranged. A parting of the ways between the League and Boddy took place, with Tongues of Fire claiming in 1908 that the term “Pentecostal Blessing” had been “widely prostituted by the enemy of souls.”[18]

The League mounted two main objections to Pentecostalism. The first was that Pentecostalism made speaking in tongues, a gift which in theory Harris accepted, a necessary sign of Spirit-baptism. This the League regarded as a dangerous error.[19] Harris also took the view that Pentecostalism’s extreme features, such as people rolling on the floor, indicated that it was marked by “confusion, errors of doctrine and errors of conduct,” and might even be satanic.[20] The International Holiness Mission continued to take this approach, dismissing the Pentecostal movement as “fanaticism.”[21] There was a particular problem for the League because of its own use of the term Pentecostal, usage which came from its equation of the baptism of the Spirit and entire sanctification. The League repeated on many occasions that it had absolutely no connection with “the Tongues movement.”[22] This stance united it with most British conservative evangelical thinking of the period. In 1930, Spiritual Life, which replaced Tongues of Fire after the First World War, insisted that the League was in line with evangelical churches, having nothing to do with modern Pentecostalism.[23] The League’s policies offered it possibilities for acceptance within wider evangelicalism in a way which was true neither of the International Holiness Mission nor of Pentecostalism.


Inclusivism in Operation


The League was not only denominationally broad, but it also sought to bridge social divides. Harris’ background, a privileged one, contrasted with the social origins of many traditional Wesleyan-Holiness adherents of the period. Leaders such as David Thomas and Frank Crossley, who began the well-known Star Hall in Manchester,[24] were successful businessmen, but many others within the constituency came from the relatively powerless segment of society. Cliff was known as “the College of the Underprivileged.”[25] T. R. Warburton has argued that in the 1930s, with economic depression, there was an upsurge of socially marginalized holiness and pentecostal groups.[26] But Warburton’s own study of the Emmanuel Holiness Church, which had its center in Birkenhead, suggests that its period of charismatic growth was from 1921 to 1931.[27] Certainly for Reader and Mary Harris, and those who followed them, it was a belief in the urgent need for revival rather than the pressure of economic factors which was the major stimulus for their activity. They did, however, seek to implement a dream of a spirituality which embraced all socio-economic classes.

There were tensions within Wesleyan-Holiness thinking about the extent to which the gospel involved social action. In 1932, in his last published piece, The Pentecostal Life, Samuel Chadwick pronounced social service a “poor substitute for spiritual power.”[28] Nevertheless, Chadwick and Reader Harris were both deeply concerned about addressing the needs of the poor. Joyful News criticized the Oxford Group, another interwar revivalist movement, for appealing to the socially well-placed.[29] Through Speke Hall, Harris became involved in setting up facilities for the provision of blankets, coal, clothing, and books for people from the slums in the Battersea area.[30] Predictably, temperance was an issue. While stating that no rule was binding, the use of intoxicants was deemed to be “inconsistent with the objects of the League.”[31] The ministry which Speke Hall offered probably meant that Harris associated himself with the poor to a degree which would have been unusual for a Queen’s Counsel. He trenchantly criticized “fashionable churches” where people were “loaded with the trappings of the world.”[32] Many volunteers were mobilized for social service through Speke Hall. Hugh Price Hughes, the most prominent leader of the Wesleyan Methodist Forward Movement, commended the League as a movement seeking to bring every denomination to “the place of blessing and power and usefulness.”[33] Although the League did not match Hughes’ breadth of social vision, for Speke Hall and its associated missions holiness was both individual and social.

The mobilization of holiness adherents, initiated by the League within conservative evangelicalism, involved significant opportunities for ministry being offered to women as well as men. Of the League’s local secretaries, fifty-nine (approximately one-third) were women. Harris was fully committed to women engaging in public forms of ministry.[34] He was indebted, among others, to Phoebe Palmer, who had also influenced Catherine Booth. In 1897, in the book Pentecost in the Churches, Harris argued for the place of women preachers to be recognized. He used Old Testament references to Miriam and Deborah, the example of the women who proclaimed Christ’s resurrection, and instances of women speakers such as Priscilla mentioned by Paul in the New Testament. Harris believed that, when Paul told women to keep silent (e.g., 1 Corinthians 14), the reference was to disruptive chattering in the services. His conclusion in Pentecost in the Churches was that the Scriptures “plainly teach that women are called to preach the Gospel to every creature.”[35]

Six years later, Tongues of Fire published a controversial defense of “Women Preachers” at a time when Keswick evangelicals were uncertain about the public role of women such as Jessie Penn-Lewis.[36] Alice Phillips, a travelling secretary for the League of Prayer, was described by Harris as “a clear teacher of full salvation.”[37] Mary Harris was a militant holiness advocate, suggesting in 1919 that sanctification was the greatest of miracles, and in 1922 arguing that those who had not known the “baptism of the Holy Ghost and fire” would be left “earth-bound” when Christ returned.[38] This was a variant of the partial-rapture premillenial position promoted by the controversial Brethren preacher G. H. Lang.[39] Biddy Chambers, the wife of Oswald, was a League speaker, as was Mary Hooker, a daughter of Reader, and Mary Harris, who became head of Ridgelands Bible College, London.[40] By the 1930s, however, there was less evidence of women taking a prominent part at League events, perhaps reflecting a period of institutionalization in the movement. In 1934 the General Council of the League seemed to discount the place of women when it agreed that it was important to attract “younger men” to the Council.[41]

Clerical/lay distinctions were seen by the League as having relatively little importance. Harris himself was not ordained. Oswald Chambers, who testified in November, 1901, following a League of Prayer event, that by “an entire consecration and acceptance of sanctification at the Lord’s hands, I was baptized with the Holy Ghost,”[42] was never denominationally authorized. The League utilized Methodist ministers such as Samuel Chadwick and also holiness leaders outside the ordained ministry such as the founder of the inter-denominational British “Faith Mission,” John Govan, and missionary leaders such as A. Paget Wilkes, founder of the Japan Evangelistic Band.[43] Although Wilkes was the most important of the Wesleyan-Holiness missionary figures, the League had links with the World-Wide Evangelization Crusade, a mission which encouraged John Drysdale, a League of Prayer worker before founding Emmanuel Bible College, Birkenhead, to instill the message of Spiritbaptism into its missionaries.[44] In these pan-denominational Wesleyan groups it was spiritual power rather than ecclesial position which was crucial.


Fostering New Leadership


The conviction of Reader Harris was that the age in which he lived was one of transition and that, in previous eras of fundamental change, “transitioners” had a key part to play.[45] Often such people had come through painful spiritual experiences. Oswald Chambers was, within the League, a prime example. In 1897, when he was on the staff of a small Baptist Bible College in Dunoon, Scotland, Chambers heard F. B. Meyer, the leading Baptist on the Keswick platform, speak about the Holy Spirit. Chambers recalled: “I determined to have all that was going and went to my room and asked God simply and definitely for the baptism of the Holy Spirit, whatever that meant. From that day on for four years nothing but the overruling grace of God and the kindness of friends kept me out of an asylum.” He had, he asserted, no conscious communion with God for those four years.[46] Although outwardly he continued as a popular teacher, he considered this period to have been inner hell on earth.[47] It was through the League of Prayer in 1901 that his turmoil gave way to transforming peace, and his first public address following that experience resulted in forty people coming to the front.[48] As Chambers put it, in language heavy with Wesleyan crisis theology, after some years of “almost deeper pain than reason could stand,” sanctification “merged me into a life lost in Him.”[49]

From November, 1906, Chambers found himself for almost a year functioning as part of the international Wesleyan-Holiness network. He taught for six months at God’s Bible School in Cincinnati, USA, warning the students to avoid the “intellectual sloth” of “Holiness adventurers” and offering his own alternatives.[50] From America he travelled to Japan, conducting holiness meetings with Oriental Missionary Society leaders such as Charles and Lettie Cowman, J.E.B.’s Paget Wilkes, and particularly Juji Nakada, who in 1917 became the first bishop of the Japan Holiness Church.[51] Fresh from these experiences, Chambers threw himself into League of Prayer gatherings throughout Britain. His reports make it clear that Chambers, inspired by Harris, saw the doctrine of entire sanctification as needing to be spread among Keswick devotees.[52] In the years 1907–10, when the League was convening over 13,000 services annually,[53] Chambers, with his brilliantly imaginative presentation of the message of holiness, was the League’s most effective speaker. Speaking of his experiences in Scotland in 1908, Chambers commented: “John Wesley’s teaching has had no hold in Scotland in the past, but it seems now as if it is going to be grasped with a tenacious hold unequalled in the country.”[54]

The impact of Chambers was to be cut short, however, by his death from peritonitis in 1917 at the age of forty-three. In the 1920s it was from the International Holiness Mission, not the League, that new and powerful Wesleyan-Holiness leadership was to emerge. In 1929, at the age of twenty-seven, Maynard James, who had trained under Chadwick, was appointed pastor of the Holiness Mission’s Manchester Tabernacle, a strategic church which met in an imposing ex-Presbyterian building.[55] His evangelistic ability and personal dynamism soon ensured that James would become the Mission’s most formidable force.[56] James drew from any source where he believed he saw authentic spirituality. He had been deeply impressed by Chadwick and in turn Chadwick had encouraged James’ leadership gifts.[57] The success of the British Pentecostal campaigns conducted by the brothers Stephen and George Jeffreys also made a considerable impact on James, who began to incorporate prayer for physical healing into meetings.[58]

Interest in Pentecostal phenomena such as healing and speaking in tongues continued, however, to be unacceptable to the League and the International Holiness Mission. This did not deter James, who believed that at the close of the age God was restoring abilities to perform miracles.[59] Such differences of opinion led to James and three colleagues, Jack Ford, Leonard Ravenhill, and Clifford Filer (all trained at Cliff College) separating from the I.H.M. and in 1934 forming the Calvary Holiness Church, with James as President. The I.H.M. lost impetus, while Calvary Holiness congregations increased from two in 1934 to nineteen six years later.[60] James launched a magazine, The Flame, which emphasized healing, full salvation, and Christ’s second coming and achieved a circulation of 18,000 by the 1940s.[61] At this stage League membership had dropped to 3,138 and Spiritual Life had a circulation of 6,000.[62] In 1943, J. S. Logan, a prospective League General Secretary, had to give an assurance that he had no connection with Pentecostalism, and two years later the word “Pentecostal” was dropped from the League’s title.[63] New dynamism had been injected by Maynard James into a section of the Wesleyan-Holiness tradition which had grown out of the League, but which had been less cautious than the League in exploring new emphases.

Despite intra-Wesleyan disagreements in the inter-war period, there were shared holiness values. In 1929, commenting on his third address to the League of Prayer, Chadwick, referring to its holiness spirituality, enthused: “Everything Pentecostal appeals to me.”[64] J. H. Stringer, a tutor at Cliff College for nearly four years, left to become General Secretary of the League in 1937, with J. A. Broadbelt, Chadwick’s successor, offering full support.[65] By 1939 the rupture between James’ Calvary Holiness Church and the original Holiness Mission, with its roots in the League, was on the way to being healed. In 1955 this led to a merger with the American Church of the Nazarene, which had previously absorbed the Pentecostal Church of Scotland, whose founder, George Sharpe, had ordained Ford, Ravenhill, and Filer.[66] The inclusivist spirit of the League was, it could be argued, at work. The League even invited to its conventions Keswick speakers such as E. L. Langston, S. D. Gordon, and Bishop Taylor Smith,[67] as well as Sidlow Baxter, pastor of Charlotte Baptist Chapel, Edinburgh, and D. Martyn Lloyd-Jones.[68] Hopes for a holiness revival drew Wesleyan groups closer together and encouraged the League to see non-Wesleyan revivalists as allies.


Integrating Active Revivalism and Reflective Spirituality


The major concern of the League was for Christian living rather than theological analysis. In this it was at one with other movements. Chadwick bemoaned the extent to which what was offered in Wesleyanism was “milk and eggs—good and nutritious, soft and luscious, but not exactly strong meat.”[69] But there was reflection. Following a Japan Evangelistic Band conference at Swanwick in 1924, when Paget Wilkes argued against consecration as a condition for receiving the Holy Spirit (since that would imply “works”), Chadwick’s words that “we only get sanctified on consecration ground” were used as a refutation of Wilkes.[70] In 1938 the Band did not demur when Barclay Buxton, a respected League of Prayer leader, called on those wishing the fulness of the Holy Spirit to “search your heart unto repentance.”[71] Nevertheless, it was the experiential crisis of sanctification, rather than a detailed exposition or critique of its theology, which in traditionalist circles was regarded as fundamental.

Joining the League was said to be quite separate from any assent to doctrine, dogma, or creed. Rather, joining signified a sense of need for the energizing power of the Holy Spirit.[72] Although Chambers was to become the outstanding thinker of the League, it was in his experience that he had found the reality of God. His preaching prior to his crisis of sanctification was at times so unattractive—he majored at that time on the fear of God—that one church which requested Dunoon College to supply a preacher specifically ruled out Chambers: “Dinna send us yon lang-haired swearin’ parson.”[73] As he analyzed in 1916 the spiritual revolution which had affected his life so deeply, Chambers affirmed: “I am more convinced than ever that the basis of the Pentecostal League of Prayer is the right one. . .viz that revival must be amongst Christians.”[74] In traditional Wesleyan terms he saw entire sanctification as meaning that “if we obey the life of God in us, we need not sin.”[75] There was, however, for Chambers, a great danger that the pietistic tendency within holiness movements would produce an introspection in which the practice of one’s own earnestness was worshipped.[76]

It was Chambers who attempted the task of understanding personal holiness within the larger story of the outworking of God’s purpose. The League itself was not dogmatic about how revival and eschatology were related. Reader Harris espoused the British Israelite theory that the Anglo-Saxon races had a special part, with the Jews, in God’s purpose in history.[77] In Chambers’ teaching at Dunoon College and later, from 1911 to 1915 as Principal of a small Bible training college in London, Chambers dedicated himself to stimulating his students to think more broadly. Increasingly his view was that holiness was not simply inward and individualistic. As an amateur psychologist, artist, and poet, he found it easy to conceptualize human relations and the cosmos as God’s sphere. “The Higher Life movements,” he argued, “tend to develop a life along the lines of spiritual isolation.”[78] In 1917 Chambers prophesied that socialism was to be “enacted on a universal scale for astonishing good and atrocious bad and until this has had its vogue our Lord will not return.”[79] Mary Harris even suggested that decline in “Holy Ghost spirituality” in the 1920s was a general apostasy that signaled the possible return of Christ in 1932.[80]

It was the willingness of the League to permit a variety of perspectives which allowed it to avoid aligning itself to the rigid Fundamentalism of the period.[81] Whereas David Thomas of the International HolinessMission could take up explicitly Fundamentalist themes, arguing that it was criminal to support higher critics or evolutionists, and asserting that his Mission comprised “genuine Fundamentalists,” ferocity was not part of the ethos of the League.[82] Indeed, Reader Harris accepted an invitation to Reunion Conferences at Grindelwald, Switzerland, at which representative mainstream church leaders from Anglicanism, Presbyterianism, and Congregationalism were present.[83] Dinsdale Young, who was associated with the Fundamentalist Wesley Bible Union, was an occasional League speaker, but the militancy of Fundamentalism was not consonant with the League’s spiritual ethos.

Nonetheless, there was an increasingly militant evangelistic thrust to the League’s work. Drawing from the example of Chadwick, with his evangelistic “Methodist Friars,” the League organized bands of Trekkers who undertook itinerant missions in England from 1935. The League quoted Chadwick’s statement that “a Pentecostal League of Prayer cannot be dissociated from the Pentecostal witness.”[84] Chamber’s Bible College in London, set up to embody the spirituality of Harris, trained 106 men and women students, forty of whom became missionaries, going to France, China, India and Africa.[85] Following his principalship, Chambers worked for the Y.M.C.A. in Egypt and seems to have questioned aspects of traditional evangelism. On his way to Egypt he commented: “How unproselytising God is.” He also voiced wariness about soul-winning campaigns. “The ordinary evangelical spirit,” he mused, “is less and less congenial to my own soul.” To engage personally with others had become more important.[86] Chambers might have led the League in a new and less revivalistic spiritual direction.

Chambers, whose audiences invariably found him cultured, unconventional, and stimulating, left a legacy expressed in twenty-eight books. His curiosity is evidenced by the interest he showed for a time in the theology of Swedenborg.[87] He recommended engagement with philosophy, psychology, and current thought, believing that lack of such reading had weakened evangelical theology. When someone remarked that he read only the Bible, Chambers responded: “The trouble is you have allowed part of your brain to stagnate for want of use.”[88] Chambers was prepared to speak publicly against theological liberalism, but appreciated T. R. Glover’s The Jesus of History.[89] He was deeply indebted to the Congregational theologian P. T. Forsyth, and in turn Forsyth spoke of Chambers’ The Shadow of an Agony as combining in an unusual way “moral incision and spiritual power.”[90] Chambers’ focus, in his understanding of redemption and sanctification, was Christ. Union with Christ, as in mystical thinking, provided a paradigm for holiness. His argument in The Psychology of Redemption and Biblical Psychology (books reflecting his lectures) was that every characteristic in Christ’s life was possible for the believer filled with the Spirit.[91] As was to prove the case at Keswick, pneumato-logical holiness revivalism was giving way to a more Christological approach to the life of faith.[92]




The League of Prayer was one of a number of Wesleyan-Holiness groups in Britain which owed their ethos to the later nineteenth century. Some of these movements had a missionary focus, others were intent on achieving renewal within Methodism, some were independent mission centers, and still others became holiness denominations. The League of Prayer was distinctive for its commitment to the spread of Wesleyan spirituality in all denominations. This vision found expression in a movement which went some way toward transcending divisions of class, gender, and ministerial caste, at a time when such divisions were strong. New leadership was fostered, with Chambers becoming one of the more compelling devotional speakers of his time. But the League’s network could never compete with Keswick. There was also a fear of Pentecostal excess, so that the League’s early creativity seemed to give way to a more conservative stance. Nonetheless, the League offered to significant numbers of British evangelicals the possibility, within their own ecclesiastical context, of creative Wesleyan spiritual renewal.

[1] R. Harris, Is Sin a Necessity? (London, 1897), 12–13, 37–42.


[2] D. H. Howarth, “Samuel Chadwick and Some Aspects of Wesleyan Methodist Evangelism, 1860–1932,” University of Lancaster M. Litt. thesis (1977).


[3] W. Strawson, “Methodist Theology 1850–1950,” in R. Davies, A. R. George and G. Rupp, eds., A History of the Methodist Church in Great Britain, Vol. 3 (London, 1983), 225.


[4] Joyful News, 26 February, 1920, 4; 23 September, 1920, 1.


[5] J. Telford, ed., The Letters of the Rev. John Wesley, Vol. VIII (London, 1931), 238.


[6] H. McGonigle, “Pneumatological Nomenclature in Early Methodism,” Wesleyan Theological Journal, Vol. 8 (1973).


[7] For North America, see D. Dayton, “The Doctrine of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit: Its Emergence and Significance,” Wesleyan Theological Journal, Vol. 13 (1978), 116–20. For Britain, see D. W. Bebbington, “Holiness in Nineteenth-Century British Methodism,” in W. M. Jacob and N. Yates, eds., Crown and Mitre: Religion and Society in Northern Europe Since the Reformation (Woodbridge, 1993), 161–74.


[8] I. M. Randall, “Spiritual Renewal and Social Reform: Attempts to Develop Social Awareness in the Early Keswick Movement,” Vox Evangelica, Vol. 23 (1993); I. M. Randall, “Southport and Swanwick: Contrasting Movements of Methodist Spirituality in Inter-War England,” Proceedings of the Wesley Historical Society, Vol. 50 (1995).


[9] M. R. Hooker, Adventures of an Agnostic (London, 1959), 112.


[10] J. Ford, In the Steps of John Wesley: The Church of the Nazarene in Britain (Kansas City, Missouri, 1968), 91.


[11] D. McCasland, Oswald Chambers: Abandoned to God (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1993), chapter 13.


[12] G. N. Fewkes, “Richard Reader Harris, 1847–1909: An Assessment of the Life and Influence of a Leader of the Holiness Movement,” University of Manchester M.A. thesis (1995), 55, 61.


[13] Tongues of Fire, March 1907, 7; Ford, In the Steps, 94–5; The Holiness Mission Journal, April 1908, 4.


[14] The Holiness Mission Journal, October 1924, 4; Ford, In the Steps, 107.


[15] The Holiness Mission Journal, April 1924, 4; July 1924, 4.


[16] I. M. Randall, “Movements of Evangelical Spirituality in Inter-war England,” University of Wales Ph.D. thesis (1997), chapter 8.


[17] A. A. Boddy, Pentecost for England, with Signs Following (Sunderland [1907]), held at the Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey Hall, Mattersey, UK.


[18] Tongues of Fire, September 1908, 6.


[19] Tongues of Fire, April 1907, 2.


[20] Reader Harris, The Gift of Tongues: A Warning (London, n.d.), 6, 8, 9, 14, 15.


[21] The Holiness Mission Journal, June 1919, 48.


[22] Spiritual Life, February 1923, 2.


[23] Spiritual Life, March 1930, 2.


[24] E. K. Crossley, He Heard from God (London, 1959).


[25] J. Brice, Saved and Sent (London, 1939), 29.


[26] T. R. Warburton, “A Comparative Study of Minority Religious Groups— With Special Reference to Holiness and Related Movements in Britain in the Last 50 years,” University of London Ph.D. thesis, 249.


[27] T. R. Warburton, “Organisation and Change in a British Holiness Movement,” in B. R. Wilson, ed., Patterns of Sectarianism (London, 1967), 119–26.


[28] Joyful News, 6 October 1932, 3.


[29] Joyful News, 1 October 1936, 4.


[30] Fewkes, “Reader Harris,” 22–3.


[31] Tongues of Fire, May 1896, 7.


[32] Tongues of Fire, July 1903, 6.


[33] Tongues of Fire, September 1895, 6.


[34] Fewkes, “Reader Harris,” 60.


[35] R. Harris, Pentecost in the Churches (London, 1897), 72, 77, 82, 86.


[36] Tongues of Fire, March 1903, 7; J. Penn-Lewis to E. Hopkins, 12 May 1908, in Donald Gee Centre, Mattersey Hall, Mattersey.


[37] Tongues of Fire, January 1908, 2.


[38] Spiritual Life, September 1919, 2; March 1922, 2.


[39] The Witness, May 1919, 78; September 1919, 143.


[40] Spiritual Life, December 1924, 2.


[41] Minutes of the General Council of the League, 8 November 1934.


[42] Oswald Chambers: His Life and Work (London, 1933), 28, 79.


[43] Spiritual Life, April 1926, 2; November 1927, 2; July 1931, 2. See I. R. Govan, Spirit of Revival: Biography of J. G. Govan, Founder of the Faith Mission (London, 1938); M. W. D. Pattison, Ablaze for God: The Life Story of Paget Wilkes (London, 1936).


[44] Spiritual Life, June 1921, 2; The Whole World for Jesus Now, No. 96 (1932), 19.


[45] R. Harris, Things to Come (London, 1911), 8.


[46] Life and Work, 78.


[47] D. W. Lambert, Oswald Chambers (London, n.d.), 23.


[48] Life and Work, 79; McCasland, Abandoned to God, 84–6.


[49] Life and Work, 29.


[50] McCasland, Abandoned to God, 106.


[51] R. D. Wood, In These Mortal Hands (Greenwood, Ind., 1983), 61–2, 71–2.


[52] Life and Work, 125–60.


[53] The number of services grew from 2,000 in 1894 to 13,243 in 1897: Reader Harris KC 1847–1909: Thanksgiving and Remembrance (London, 1934), 10.


[54] Life and Work, 156.


[55] P. James, A Man on Fire: The Story of Maynard James (Ilkeston, Derbys, 1993), 33; Ford, In the Steps, 112.


[56] James, A Man on Fire, chapter 4; Ford, In the Steps, 113.


[57] James, A Man on Fire, 27–8.


[58] Ford, In the Steps, 115.


[59] The Holiness Mission Journal, December 1930, 3.


[60] The Holiness Mission Journal, December 1934, 4; James, A Man on Fire, 46–54.


[61] The Flame, April/May 1935 (first issue); James, A Man on Fire, 60–1.


[62] M. Winterton, “Centenary Celebrations of the League of Prayer,” unpublished paper, 1991.


[63] Minutes of the Executive Council of the League, 4 December 1943; Minutes of the Council of the League, 5 November 1945.


[64] Joyful News, 9 May 1929, 4.


[65] Spiritual Life, March 1937, 2; Joyful News, 8 April 1937, 4.


[66] Ford, In the Steps, 69.


[67] Spiritual Life, June 1922, 4; September 1931, 2.


[68] Spiritual Life, March 1930, 2; August 1934, 3; Minutes of the Annual Meeting of the Council of the League, 7 May 1936. Martyn Lloyd-Jones did not speak.


[69] Joyful News, 21 June 1923, 4.


[70] The Holiness Mission Journal, March 1924, 3. Also, for Wilkes, Spiritual Life, April 1928, 4.


[71] The Pathway to Blessing (London, 1938), 11.


[72] In Memoriam (London, 1911).


[73] Life and Work, 62.


[74] Ibid, 330.


[75] O. Chambers, The Psychology of Redemption (London, 1930), 35.


[76] Ibid, 167.


[77] R. Harris, The Lost Tribes of Israel (London, 1908).


[78] Life and Work, 331.


[79] Life and Work, 376.


[80] Spiritual Life, December 1920, 2; January 1921, 2.


[81] For background see D. W. Bebbington, “Martyrs for the Truth: Fundamentalists in Britain,” in D. Wood, ed, Studies in Church History, Vol. 30 (Oxford, 1993), 417–51.


[82] The Holiness Mission Journal, October 1924, 4; April 1927, 4.


[83] Fewkes, “Reader Harris,” 62.


[84] Spiritual Life, November 1923, 2.


[85] Life and Work, 171–4; McCasland, Abandoned to God, 201.


[86] Life and Work, 87.


[87] O. Chambers, The Philosophy of Swedenborg (Paisley, 1902).


[88] Life and Work, 132.


[89] Ibid, 144, 221.


[90] Lambert, Chambers, 86.


[91] O. Chambers, Biblical Psychology (London, 1946), 104.


[92] I. M. Randall, “Capturing Keswick: Baptists and the Changing Spirituality of the Keswick Convention in the 1920s,” The Baptist Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 7 (1996), 331–48.